
(originally published at Social Science Lite, x-posted at Postbourgie)
In a New York Times article from this past summer, Jeremy Peters wrote a thought-provoking piece about the lack of visible leadership in the gay rights movement. While Peters is generally fast and loose (read: weak) with his historical analysis, his general point seems accurate: there really isn’t any national spokesperson for gay rights. Sure, Harvey Milk has become somewhat of a household name as of late, but we’d be naive to think that he had any national presence before Gus Van Sant’s award-winning biopic. Not to belittle Milk’s achievements, but let’s be real, he was only a city supervisor at the time of his death.
In the Times article, Peters compares the leadership dynamics of the contemporary gay rights movement with those of past movements for civil rights. According to Peters, social movements of yesteryear were generally associated with a single national leader: Frederick Douglass was the face of the abolitionist movement, Martin Luther King, Jr. defined the Civil Rights Movement, and Betty Freidan/Gloria Steinem epitomized the modern women’s movement. The point here is not that social movements were in fact lead by individuals, but that the general American public looked to these leaders as surrogates for their respective constituencies. Put another way, the media knew exactly who to call for soundbites.
There is no such prominent figure in today’s battles for gay rights. No leader to turn to for direction. No individual to call on for an official statement of purpose or a list of goals. But, is this a bad thing? As usual, Ta-Nehisi Coates offered his own insightful commentary, reflecting on the gay rights movement’s lack of visible leadership:
“And for that, I think my gay brethren should be thankful. There’s nothing like media anointing someone as your spokesperson. Don’t let them Jesse Jackson you. No disrespect to Jesse. But the notion that one person, in these individualized times, should speak for whole populations is crazy. I think, ultimately, this will be for the best.”
Ta-Nehisi makes a really astute point here. It would be problematic, and perhaps detrimental, for the gay community to define themselves through a single national spokesperson. Associating your movement with a single leader means associating yourself with all of his or her faults, inconsistencies, and contradictions. When an individual represents an entire movement, all of their flaws reflect back on the movement, whether movement participants like it or not.
But there’s another layer of concern here that also deserves analysis. Minority populations are particularly susceptible to criticisms that highlight negative aspects of individuals as indicative of the whole group. Single acts of transgression or immaturity become evidence, or proof, of the cultural inferiority of entire populations. When a black man commits murder, he’s making his entire race look bad, contributing to existing stereotypes. But when a white man commits murder, his act is an individual transgression, rather than a group characteristic. Take acts of domestic terrorism, the murder of George Tiller. Or Timothy McVeigh’s bombing in Oklahoma City. No one argued that these actions exemplified a characteristic of an entire racial group, as if domestic terrorism is some sort of a white male trait.
Herein lies the structure of oppression in America. With minority populations, individual-level flaws are interpreted as group-level deficiencies. This common logical fallacy fosters and legitimizes racism and other forms of discrimination. By contrast, when, say, a white male commits some sort of atrocity, his actions are seen as aberrations rather than the norm.
That is not to say that the gay rights movement is better off without formal leadership. Indeed, sustainable social movements require strong leadership and efficient organization. But these leaders don’t need to be the go-to voice when the media is looking for a comment. Sure, a movement needs strong leaders, but maybe they should stay behind the scenes. Maybe the message of the movement would be more powerful if defined by a collective identity, rather than a single national leader.
Still, anointing a national spokesperson may be inevitable. If this happens, the gay rights movement may want to take Ta-Nehisi Coates’ advice, and resist getting Jesse Jackson-ed. No disrespect to Jesse, of course.



{ 4 comments }
Please don’t let it be Dan Savage. Please don’t let it be Dan Savage. Please don’t let it be Dan Savage. Please don’t let it be Dan Savage.
I’m not trying to undercut your primary point (which is a great point), but I think your analogy here might be problematic. The actions of Roeder and McVeigh did reflect upon their larger communities, though not their status as white males. Roeder’s murder of Dr. Tiller was (perhaps justifiably) seen in many quarters as indicative of the true leaning of the forced-birth lobby. McVeigh’s bombing was (perhaps less justifiably) seen as reflective of the larger anti-government/survivalist movement that is largely white.
I’m not trying to nit pick here, but to point out a basic tendency. What sets any movement (regardless of it’s virtues) apart isn’t necessarily who makes that movement up but that the movement itself is symbolic of people who are deeply opposed to the status quo. Minorities are more easily othered because the differences they carry from those in power are more immediately obvious, but part of the response of people in power is always to look for a figurehead which can then be attacked. I think that one of the reasons the gay rights movement has been as successful as quickly as we have seen is because there is no single, flawed person to be held up for ridicule. Instead, the movement has both avoided having easy targets and emphasized that they’re everywhere and they’re part of the society. Stereotypes break down when they face the daily challenge of another person.
Then again, its only the relative whiteness of the movement which has allowed this tactic…
All I can say is thanks for the insightful comment, and I think you’re exactly right. I think I was a bit clouded in a “race/class/gender” lens, that I missed the fact that right wing fringe groups are an ideological minority, thus also subject to the same kind of “individual as indicative of the whole” criticisms.
I don’t know too much about the formal organizational strategy of the gay rights movement (heterosexual privilege, here), but if it is indeed a concerted effort to avoid appointing a national spokesperson, it seems to be a pretty good idea, as you suggest.
Any social justice goes through phases and leadership vacuums. But the GLBT movement seems to be operating on the “we are so big and have a friendly president we don’t need a national leader” Wrong. Someone has to be in charge. I’m gay and do not who the president of HRC is, or the president of the Gay-Lesbian task force.
I am also a NOW member and am very aware the President is Terry O’Neill.
NOW is very grassroots and has local leaders and chapters nation-wide. NOW organized the pro-choice activists to be in Neb and stand down the anti-choice wing nuts.
There are almost too many groups sprouting up to fight all the anti-marriage ballot. Where each state was a ballot measure about marriage, the GLBT community has to come together and pick a spokes-person
The march in october needs 1, 2 at the most spokes-persons.
HRC and GL Task force need to get their faces on TV. Be more in the media.
thanks for listening and or reading
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